Support for the NYS Maternal Health, Dignity and Consent Bill
SUMMARY
The Sex & Law Committee with support from the Civil Rights Committee, Health Law Committee, Bioethical Issues Committee, and Council on Children, issued a report in support of the Maternal Health, Dignity and Consent bill, which would “prohibit the drug, cannabis or alcohol testing and screening of pregnant or postpartum individuals and newborns unless the individual consents and it is within the scope of medical care, or the testing or screening is necessary for a medical emergency.” The bill ensures prenatal care access and affirms pregnant people’s bodily autonomy by preserving the trust between a perinatal person and their healthcare provider through prohibiting drug testing without informed consent. By requiring informed consent, the bill also aims to stop the practice of using drug tests as a basis for punitive family regulation system and criminal legal system interventions. “No New Yorker should have to fear seeking health care during pregnancy. The Committees support the Maternal Health, Dignity and Consent Bill because the practice of testing perinatal people and their newborns without their informed consent and reporting the results of those tests to Child Protective Services (CPS) violates bodily autonomy, exposes families to the trauma and violence of forced family separation, and exacerbates the maternal-infant health crisis. The Committees recognize that this legislation is an important step in addressing racial and socioeconomic disparities in the family regulation system and maternal-infant health outcomes.”
BILL INFORMATION
A.860 (AM Rosenthal) / S.845 (Sen. Salazar) – Prohibits drug, cannabis or alcohol testing and screening of pregnant or postpartum individuals and newborns unless the individual consents and it is within the scope of medical care, or the testing or screening is necessary for a medical emergency (NYS 2025).
REPORT
REPORT ON LEGISLATION BY THE SEX & LAW COMMITTEE, CIVIL RIGHTS COMMITTEE, HEALTH LAW COMMITTEE, BIOETHICAL ISSUES COMMITTEE, AND COUNCIL ON CHILDREN
A.860 (AM Rosenthal)
S.845 (Sen. Salazar)
AN ACT to prohibit the drug, cannabis or alcohol testing and screening of pregnant or postpartum individuals and newborns unless the individual consents and it is within the scope of medical care, or the testing or screening is necessary for a medical emergency.
THIS BILL IS APPROVED
I. PURPOSE
The Sex & Law Committee, Civil Rights Committee, Health Law Committee, Bioethical Issues Committee, and Council on Children (the “Committees”) of the New York City Bar Association support enactment of the NYS Maternal Health, Dignity and Consent Bill A.860 / S.845.
This legislation ensures prenatal care access and affirms pregnant people’s bodily autonomy by preserving the trust between a perinatal person[1] and their healthcare provider through prohibiting drug testing without informed consent. By requiring informed consent, the bill also aims to stop the practice of using drug tests as a basis for punitive family regulation system and criminal legal system interventions. In so doing, this legislation brings the law in alignment with the principles of major medical and public health associations, including those of the American Academy of Pediatrics, the American College of Obstetricians and Gynecologists, the American Society of Addiction Medicine, the National Perinatal Association[2] and those contained in existing New York State Department of Health clinical guidelines prescribing informed decision-making with pregnant and postpartum patients.[3]
No New Yorker should have to fear seeking health care during pregnancy. The Committees support the Maternal Health, Dignity and Consent Bill because the practice of testing perinatal people and their newborns without their informed consent and reporting the results of those tests to Child Protective Services (“CPS”) violates bodily autonomy, exposes families to the trauma and violence of forced family separation, and exacerbates the maternal-infant health crisis. The Committees recognize that this legislation is an important step in addressing racial and socioeconomic disparities in the family regulation system and maternal-infant health outcomes.
II. REASON FOR SUPPORT
A. What the Maternal Health, Dignity, and Consent Bill Would Do
Currently, many hospitals in New York drug test perinatal people and their newborns without their informed consent and report those results to CPS[4] (“test-and-report”)—a practice that became widespread during the War on Drugs and that has been expanded by the misinterpretation of the federal Child Abuse Prevention and Treatment Act (“CAPTA”) and the Comprehensive Addiction and Recovery Act (“CARA”).[5] While these federal laws require states to have policies in place to notify child welfare agencies of substance-affected newborns, they do not require drug testing perinatal people or their newborns, and they certainly do not require reporting suspected abuse or neglect to child welfare agencies.[6] When healthcare providers report positive drug tests to CPS, the ramifications can be severe: families are exposed to unnecessary government intervention, and in some cases, face permanent family separation.
The New York State Maternal Health, Dignity, and Consent Bill would address these negative ramifications of testing and reporting by prohibiting healthcare providers from performing a drug, cannabis, or alcohol test on a perinatal person or their newborn unless the perinatal person gave their written and oral informed consent, and the test was within the scope of medical care.[7] In addition, this legislation would ensure that perinatal people are aware of the potential for prolonged government surveillance and forced family separation before submitting to a drug test by requiring that they be informed of the potential legal consequences, “including, but not limited to, a report to a local child protective services agency.”[8]
B. Why Requiring Informed Consent Prior to Drug Testing Perinatal People and their Newborns is Necessary
Separations and removals based on positive drug tests are especially troubling because they disproportionately affect poor families of color.[9] For example, studies have found that newborns born to Black mothers are significantly more likely to be drug tested than newborns born to white mothers—despite the fact that drug use by Black and white women occurs approximately at the same rate in the United States.[10] Black mothers are also more likely to be drug tested even in the absence of risk factors for substance use disorders, such as history of drug use.[11] This disproportionate drug testing, in turn, results in disproportionate separations among Black, Indigenous, and People of Color families and higher rates of BIPOC children in the foster care system.[12]
Additionally, drug testing without informed consent and reporting those results to child welfare agencies can undermine the doctor-patient relationship and deter perinatal people from seeking perinatal healthcare.[13] This deterrent effect consequently exacerbates the maternal-infant health crisis: newborns born to parents who do not receive prenatal care are three times more likely to have a low birth weight and five times more likely to die than newborns born to parents who do receive prenatal care.[14]
Moreover, drug tests are not synonymous with parenting tests because they are not reliable gauges of assessing imminent harm to the child. First, the drug tests that hospitals use often show false positives or are otherwise inaccurate and unreliable.[15] Second, even if a positive result is verified through confirmatory testing, there is a dearth of scientific evidence demonstrating that using certain drugs, like marijuana, during pregnancy is actually harmful to the child.[16] Third, as the Administration for Children’s Services’ (“ACS”) policy itself recognizes, a parent’s substance use alone cannot be the basis for a report of neglect or abuse, much less a removal, without a separate assessment of whether there is an actual imminent risk to the child.[17] However, the reality is that positive drug tests often result in unnecessary removals and delayed reunifications.[18] At a minimum, positive drug tests often result in “social holds,” during which the newborn is held at the hospital while CPS petitions the court for placement in foster care.[19] This practice separates perinatal people from their newborns during a crucial time for maternal-infant bonding and disrupts the establishment of lactation.[20]
III. CONCLUSION
The current test-and-report practice is poor public health strategy because it harms maternal-infant health, exacerbates racial and socioeconomic discrepancies in the family regulation system, and perpetuates the generational trauma of forced family separation. It also is in direct opposition to guidelines issued by major medical and public health associations, including national organizations and New York’s own Department of Health. Requiring informed consent prior to drug testing perinatal people and their newborns is therefore crucial. For these reasons, the New York City Bar Association supports the Maternal Health, Dignity, and Consent Bill and urges its passage.
Sex & Law Committee
Natalie Birnbaum, Co-Chair
Susan Cersovsky, Co-Chair
Vandana Apte, principal writer
Civil Rights Committee
Evan Henley, Co-Chair
Health Law Committee
Debra Cohn, Chair
Bioethical Issues Committee
Mary Beth Morrissey, Co-Chair
Anne Zimmerman, Co-Chair
Council on Children
Cathy Cramer, Chair
Footnotes
[1] This memo uses the term “perinatal person” instead of “pregnant woman” because it reflects the full birthing process (from pregnancy to postpartum) and is gender neutral.
[2] See, N.Y. Informed Consent Coalition, Medical Society Position Statements: Test and Report (Mar. 2024), https://drive.google.com/file/d/1-lI09JFBOQq_qhr0kISQtnUY5C91Mpua/view.
[3] See New York State Department of Health AIDS Institute, Substance Use Screening, Risk Assessment, and
Use Disorder Diagnosis in Adults at 4-5 and 7-8 (May 2024), https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/books/NBK565474/pdf/Bookshelf_NBK565474.pdf.
[4] In 2020, New York City public hospitals adopted a policy requiring informed consent to drug test perinatal people. See Yasmeen Khan, NYC Will End Practice Of Drug Testing Pregnant Patients Without Written Consent, Gothamist (Nov. 17, 2020), https://gothamist.com/news/nyc-will-end-practice-drug-testing-pregnant-patients-without-written-consent. However, the policy does not require informed consent prior to drug testing newborns, and drug testing perinatal people and newborns without the parent’s informed consent is still widespread in private hospitals throughout the state and in public hospitals outside of New York City. See Movement for Family Power, Drug Tests Are Not Parenting Tests, Apr. 23, 2023, at 23, https://issuu.com/movfamilypower/docs/rs_draft_2023.
[5] See Margaret H. Lloyd, et al., The Policy to Practice Gap: Factors Associated with Practitioner Knowledge of CAPTA 2010 Mandates for Identifying and Intervening in Cases of Prenatal Alcohol and Drug Exposure, 99 J. of Contemporary Social Services 232 (2018).
[6] See 42 U.S.C. § 5106; U.S. Dep’t of Health and Human Services, Admin. For Children and Families, About CAPTA: Legislative History, Feb. 2019, https://www.childwelfare.gov/pubPDFs/about.pdf.
[7] See NYS Maternal Health, Dignity, and Consent Bill A.860/S.845.
[8] Id.
[9] See generally Racial Coercion and Control Over Reproductive Decision-Making and Families Shadow Report to the UN Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination for the Tenth Periodic Review of the United States, Jul. 14, 2022, at 11; Nila Natarajan, BDS Testimony before New York State Assembly Standing Committee on Children and Families Regarding Legislative Change in the Family Regulation System, Oct. 21, 2021, https://bds.org/latest/bds-testimony-before-the-new-york-state-assembly-standing-committee-on-children-and-families-regarding-legislative-change-in-the-family-regulation-system.
[10] See Hillary Veda Kunnis et al., The Effect of Race on Provider Decisions to Test for Illicit Drug Use in the Peripartum Setting, 16 J Women’s Health 245, 245 (2007) (finding that Black women and their newborns were 1.5 times more likely to be tested for illicit drugs than non-Black women and their newborns); see also Racial Coercion and Control Over Reproductive Decision-Making and Families Shadow Report to the UN Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination for the Tenth Periodic Review of the United States, Jul. 14, 2022, at 11, https://static1.squarespace.com/static/57126eff60b5e92c3a226a53/t/62d4d27b16735d11ae387a43/1658114683632/US+Racial+Coercion+%26+Control+CERD+Shadow+Report.pdf.
[11] See Marian Jarlenski, et al., Association of Race With Urine Toxicology Testing Among Pregnant Patients During Labor and Delivery, JAMA Health Forum 1 (2023), doi:10.1001/jamahealthforum.2023.0441 (finding that hospitals were more likely to give drug tests to Black women delivering babies than white women, regardless of the mother’s history of substance use); Sebastian Schoneich, et al., Incidence of Newborn Drug Testing and Variations by Birthing Parent Race and Ethnicity Before and After Recreational Cannabis Legalization, 6 JAMA Network Open 1 (2023), doi:10.1001/jamanetworkopen.2023.2058 (finding that Black newborns were more likely to be screened for prenatal drug exposure compared to other racial and ethnic groups, even in the absence of risk factors for substance use disorders).
[12] Sarah C.M. Roberts & Amani Nuru-Jeter, Universal Screening for Alcohol and Drug Use and Racial Disparities in Child Protective Services Reporting, 39 J. Behav. Health Servs. & Res. 3, 3 (2012) (finding that even though Black women had alcohol and drug use at similar rates to white women, Black newborns were four times more likely than White newborns to be reported to child protective services at delivery).
[13] Nila Natarajan, BDS Testimony before New York State Assembly Standing Committee on Children and Families Regarding Legislative Change in the Family Regulation System, Oct. 21, 2021, https://bds.org/latest/bds-testimony-before-the-new-york-state-assembly-standing-committee-on-children-and-families-regarding-legislative-change-in-the-family-regulation-system (“Evidence also shows that routinely testing pregnant mothers and newborns…may cause women to avoid seeking prenatal care or other treatment because of a fear that their newborns will be removed.”).
[14] National Conference of State Legislatures, State Approaches to Ensuring Healthy Pregnancies Through Prenatal Care, Apr. 10, 2025, https://www.ncsl.org/health/state-approaches-to-ensuring-healthy-pregnancies-through-prenatal-carel; see also Noelle G. Martinez et al., Reconsidering the Use of Urine Drug Testing in Reproductive Settings, 5 American Journal of Obstetrics & Gynecology MFM (2023), https://doi.org/10.1016/j.ajogmf.2023.101206.
[15] See generally, Pregnancy Justice, Clinical Drug Testing of Pregnant People and Newborns, Feb. 2024, https://www.pregnancyjusticeus.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/02/Updated-Clinical-Drug-Testing-Fact-Sheet-1.pdf; see also Arthur L. Kellermann et al., Utilization and Yield of Drug Screening in the Emergency Department, 6 Am. J. Of Emergency Med. 14, 19 (1988) (“these investigators have reported false-negative rates for urine screening of 30% and higher.”).
[16] Shayna N. Conner, et al., Maternal Marijuana Use and Adverse Neonatal Outcomes: A Systematic Review and Meta-analysis, 128 Obstetrics & Gynecology 713 (2016), https://doi.org/10.1097/AOG.0000000000001649 (“Maternal marijuana use during pregnancy is not an independent risk factor for adverse neonatal outcomes after adjusting for confounding factors.”).
[17] See NYC Administration for Children’s Services, Testimony by David A. David A. Hansell, Commissioner New York City Administration for Children’s Services at The New York City Council, Committees on General Welfare and Hospitals, Apr. 10, 2019, at 1, https://www.nyc.gov/assets/acs/pdf/testimony/2019/TestimonyMarijuana.pdf (“Current state and city policy (and child welfare best practice) is that the parent’s use of a substance – legal or illegal – is not in and of itself a basis for a finding of neglect, much less a child’s removal or other court action.”); see also NYC Children, ACS & DOHMH Issue New Guidance to Hospitals Making Clear When Positive Toxicology Tests of Caregivers or Newborns Do Not Warrant a Report to the State Child Abuse Hotline, Nov. 20, 2020, at 1, https://www.nyc.gov/assets/acs/pdf/PressReleases/2020/DOHMHGuidance.pdf (“[B]y law, a positive drug test of a parent and/or a newborn baby is not in itself a basis for a report of abuse or neglect.”).
[18] See Racial Coercion and Control Over Reproductive Decision-Making and Families Shadow Report to the UN Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination for the Tenth Periodic Review of the United States, Jul. 14, 2022, at 13, https://static1.squarespace.com/static/57126eff60b5e92c3a226a53/t/62d4d27b16735d11ae387a43/1658114683632/US+Racial+Coercion+%26+Control+CERD+Shadow+Report.pdf (collecting resources).
[19] See Emma S. Ketteringham, Testimony Before the New York City Council Committee on General Welfare jointly with the Committee on Hospitals Oversight – Impact of Marijuana Policies on Child Welfare, Apr. 10, 2019, at 9, https://www.bronxdefenders.org/wp-content/uploads/2019/04/Family-Court-and-Marijuana-City-Council-Testimony.pdf.
[20] Supra note 18.