Policy Recommendations Submitted to the Mamdani Administration in Support of New York City’s LGBTQ+ Residents

SUMMARY

The LGBTQ+ Rights Committee (Hayley Gorenberg and Jared Trujillo, Co-Chairs), joined by the Civil Rights Committee (Evan Henley and Molly Thomas-Jensen, Co-Chairs) and Pro Bono and Legal Services Committee (Hamra Ahmad and Dara L. Sheinfeld, Co-Chairs), sent a transition memo to the Mamdani Administration focusing on core priorities for the City’s LGBTQ+ residents. The memo addresses: protecting incarcerated LGBTQ+ New Yorkers; taking a holistic approach to community safety, including by holding police accountable and rejecting policing policies that undermine community safety; expanding legal protections for bodily autonomy, including for intersex New Yorkers and people seeking gender-affirming care; changing the City’s approach to sex workers, pivoting from criminalization of sex work to harm reduction; ensuring adequate funding and resources to legal services organizations; and protecting data privacy.

REPORT

REPORT BY THE LESBIAN, GAY, BISEXUAL, TRANSGENDER & QUEER RIGHTS COMMITTEE, CIVIL RIGHTS COMMITTEE, AND
PRO BONO AND LEGAL SERVICES COMMITTEE

RECOMMENDATIONS RESPECTFULLY SUBMITTED TO THE MAMDANI ADMINISTRATION FOR SUPPORTING NEW YORK CITY’S LGBTQ+ RESIDENTS

The New York City Bar Association’s LGBTQ+ Rights Committee, Civil Rights Committee, and Pro Bono and Legal Services Committee write to introduce ourselves and to welcome the Mayor of New York City. The New York City Bar Association (“City Bar”) is a 20,000+ member organization founded in 1870. The City Bar’s mission is to equip and mobilize a diverse legal profession to practice with excellence, promote the reform of the law, and uphold access to justice.

The LGBTQ+ Rights Committee addresses legal and policy issues that affect LGBTQ+ individuals and communities. The Civil Rights Committee addresses civil rights and civil liberties matters including issues affecting racial, ethnic, and religious minorities, the rights of people with disabilities, and the scope and enforcement of antidiscrimination laws. The Pro Bono and Legal Services Committee addresses issues surrounding pro bono work by attorneys and advocates for efforts to provide legal services to those in need. In this report, we highlight key actions that we hope the Mamdani Administration will take to protect LGBTQ+ New Yorkers. While there are many areas of need, the Committee focuses here on core priorities where swift action is needed: protecting incarcerated LGBTQ+ New Yorkers; taking a holistic approach to community safety, including by holding police accountable and rejecting policing policies that undermine community safety; expanding legal protections for bodily autonomy, including for intersex New Yorkers and people seeking gender-affirming care; changing the City’s approach to sex workers, pivoting from criminalization of sex work to harm reduction; ensuring adequate funding and resources to legal services organizations; and protecting data privacy.

I. PROTECT INCARCERATED LGBTQ+ NEW YORKERS

Rikers Island is among the most dangerous carceral facilities in the country.^[1] The dangers of incarceration only increase for LGBTQ+ New Yorkers. Rikers staff have reportedly routinely sent transgender women through a men’s jail intake facility, have threatened to switch trans detainees to different-gender housing, and have blocked transgender people from receiving necessary medications.^[2] Additionally, gender-nonconforming people face higher rates of physical and sexual violence behind bars, especially when transgender women are housed with men.^[3] Mayor Eric Adams also gutted the Department of Correction’s LGBTQ+ Affairs Unit and opposed progressive policies aimed at ensuring that transgender and gender-nonconforming detainees were in gender-aligned housing units.^[4]

In recent months, the Trump Administration has implemented Bureau of Prisons (BOP) policies hostile to transgender people, including removing procedures against pat-down searches of transgender women by male corrections officers, blocking transgender people from receiving gender-affirming care in custody, and ending funding to the Prison Rape Elimination Act Resource Center. President Trump has also pulled some federal funding from states that house transgender women in women’s facilities.^[5] Now more than ever, it is critical that New York City implement protections for transgender incarcerated people.

We urge Mayor Mamdani to implement policies that ensure transgender and gender-nonconforming people are free from violence at Rikers Island. This should include considering the gender identity and housing preference of an incarcerated person before making a housing determination. We ask that Mayor Mamdani fight back against the Trump Administration’s coercion and intimidation, attempting to gut state protections for incarcerated LGBTQ+ people. We also urge the Mamdani Administration to hold corrections officers and other Rikers Island staff accountable for negligence, violence, and misconduct against LGBTQ+ detainees.

II. APPROACH COMMUNITY SAFETY HOLISTICALLY[6]

A. Strengthen Disciplinary Enforcement

Lawsuits against the NYPD are on the rise. Taxpayers paid a total of over $266 million for NYPD-related settlements in 2023 alone.^[7] LGBTQ+ New Yorkers are at disproportionate risk of facing abuse and misconduct at the hands of police and are far more likely to be targets of stop-and-frisk.^[8] Historically, transgender women reported being routinely profiled, queer youth have been twice as likely to report negative contact with the police, and gay men of color have been particularly vulnerable to police harassment and intimidation.^[9] For example, in 2018, one transwoman, Linda Dominguez, was mocked by NYPD officers and charged with false impersonation because she legally changed her name to match her gender.^[10]

The Administration should strengthen disciplinary enforcement by fully empowering and resourcing civilian oversight, ensuring timely and transparent discipline for substantiated misconduct. This includes effectively addressing bias and profiling targeting LGBTQ+ people, members of other marginalized groups, and those who hold multiple marginalized identities. In the absence of real accountability, the City will continue to pay for such misconduct, while the NYPD will continue to lose credibility with the communities it aims to protect and serve.

B. Reject Policing Narratives and Policies That Undermine Community Safety

In the aftermath of the COVID-19 pandemic, New York City experienced fluctuations in reported crime for certain offense categories. These trends were national in scope and were not unique to New York, nor to jurisdictions that enacted criminal legal reforms. In fact, states that did not enact criminal legal system reform experienced the highest increases in reported offenses.^[11] Nonetheless, the prior mayoral administration frequently attributed public safety challenges to New York’s bail reform, discovery reform, Raise the Age, and related legislative changes, despite the absence of evidence that these policies drove post-pandemic crime trends.^[12] While these are state policies, mayoral pressure can – and did – impact Albany’s decisions.

By framing long-standing social and economic challenges as failures of criminal legal reform, the prior administration diverted attention from the root causes of harm, including a weakened social safety net, housing instability, unmet mental health needs, substance use disorders, and the lasting impacts of the pandemic on employment, education, and community infrastructure. At the same time, this narrative undermined years of work by directly impacted communities, advocates, and policymakers to reduce unnecessary incarceration and promote fairness and proportionality within the criminal legal system. Resulting retrenchment eroded trust between communities and government, while missing opportunities for effective violence prevention, crisis response, and support for survivors.

We urge the Mamdani Administration to reject this reactive and punitive framework. Community safety must be approached holistically, grounded in evidence, and responsive to the conditions that give rise to harm rather than reliant on expanding policing or rolling back hard-won legal protections. This includes resisting calls to weaken bail, discovery, or youth justice reforms in response to short-term political pressure, and instead investing in housing, behavioral health services, community-based violence prevention, and economic stability.[13]

III. ENSURE EQUITY FOR GENDER NON-CONFORMING NEW YORKERS

A. Expand Gender-Affirming Care

The obstacles to receiving gender-affirming care in New York City are varied, ranging from universal concerns such as cost to specific considerations such as the relentless targeting of transgender people by the current federal administration. Of particular concern are recent efforts by the Department of Health and Human Services (HHS) to use the threat of losing Medicare and Medicaid funding to force medical service providers to deny gender-affirming care to young people.^[14] If enacted, these proposed regulations could have devastating impacts for transgender youth by making it harder for them to obtain the essential transition-related medical care that allows them to thrive.

As is often said, gender-affirming care saves lives. The harms of insufficient access to gender-affirming care for transgender people are well documented. Transgender people of all ages experience high rates of anxiety, depression, eating disorders, self-harm, and suicide – not as a an inherent result of their transgender identity but due to a confluence of factors including “an internal conflict between one’s appearance and identity, limited availability of mental health services, low access to health care providers with expertise in caring for youth who identify as [transgender and gender diverse], discrimination, stigma, and social rejection.”^[15] These harms are exacerbated for transgender people with multiple marginalized identities. In a sweeping survey of transgender respondents, Native American, Black, Latine, and multiracial adults were reported to be uninsured at higher rates than their white and AAPI peers. That same survey found that transgender people with disabilities were more likely to have had at least one negative experience with a healthcare provider than respondents who did not identify as having a disability.^[16] Conversely, receiving gender-affirming care, including its social, medical, and legal aspects, has been shown to positively affect transgender people’s mental health.^[17] Gender-affirming hormone therapy (GAHT) has been shown to significantly decrease depression and suicidality among transgender youth.^[18] The mayor of the largest city in the United States has the power and ability to meaningfully mitigate harms and improve health outcomes for the city’s transgender residents.

We urge the Mamdani administration to invest in protecting and increasing access to gender-affirming care for all ages. This includes investing in gender-affirming healthcare providers; encouraging hospitals to be transparent about their rules-based exclusions; exploring all avenues to oppose federal laws, rules, and regulations that limit access to gender-affirming care, including litigation; and working with hospitals to develop workable back-up plans in case opposition efforts are unsuccessful. We know that securing gender-affirming care was a core part of Mayor Mamdani’s platform and that he has been outspoken in support of trans youth. We strongly encourage Mayor Mamdani to follow through on this promise.

B. Support Intersex Inclusion in the New York City Human Rights Law

The Mamdani administration should encourage the City Council to pass Intro. 1270-2025, which would amend the definition of “gender” in the New York City Human Rights Law to expressly include sex characteristics, including intersex traits. This targeted clarification would ensure that intersex New Yorkers are explicitly protected from discrimination in employment, housing, public accommodations, and City services under one of the strongest human rights laws in the country.

“Intersex” refers to people born with innate variations in sex characteristics that do not fit typical medical or social definitions of male or female. Intersex people frequently face discrimination and harm as a result of medicalization, misunderstanding, and rigid sex classifications, including non-consensual medical interventions, exclusion or mistreatment in schools and workplaces, denial of equal access to health care, inaccurate identification documents, discrimination in public accommodations, and invasive scrutiny with inadequate legal recourse.

Although New York City’s Human Rights Law already prohibits discrimination based on gender identity and expression, and intersex people are technically included via enforcement guidance, the absence of explicit reference to discrimination based on sex characteristics has left intersex individuals vulnerable to exclusion, misclassification, and inconsistent enforcement. Intro. 1270-2025 does not create new categories of liability or alter existing enforcement mechanisms. Rather, it clarifies the law to ensure that intersex New Yorkers are fully and unequivocally protected. Explicit inclusion will strengthen compliance, provide clearer guidance to employers and service providers, increase intersex New Yorkers’ awareness of the recourse available to them, and enhance the ability of the New York City Commission on Human Rights to investigate and remedy discrimination affecting intersex people.

Once enacted, this bill will have a monumental impact on intersex New Yorkers, and it will reify the city’s longstanding role as a national leader in civil rights protections for gender-expansive people. Further, ensuring New York’s human rights framework evolves to reflect the lived realities of all New Yorkers, including the intersex community, is essential to achieving the administration’s goal of creating a city that works for all residents.

IV. CHANGE THE CITY’S APPROACH TO SEX WORK

A. Urge the NYPD and District Attorney’s Offices to Stop Arresting and Prosecuting Sex Workers

Surveys consistently show that widespread discrimination and marginalization push LGBTQ+ people, especially transgender women, into sex work.^[19] Transgender women, particularly transgender women of color, are disproportionately likely to have engaged in sex work.^[20] Regardless of whether they are actually participating in sex work, police often assume that transgender women, especially transgender women of color, are doing so.^[21] Importantly, these enforcement practices affect not only individuals engaged in sex work—whether by choice or economic necessity—but also trafficking survivors who are compelled into the sex trade through force, fraud, or coercion.

In a national survey of transgender people, 86% of those who interacted with law enforcement – either while doing sex work or while people mistakenly assume they were – reported being harassed, attacked, sexually assaulted, or mistreated in some other way by police.^[22] A 2022 survey of the criminal legal system experiences of LGBTQ+ people and people living with HIV found that 18.4% of respondents had engaged in sex work within the past five years. People of color, particularly Black and Indigenous survey respondents, disproportionately reported engaging in sex work. Transgender, gender non-conforming, and nonbinary respondents likewise reported engaging in sex work at higher rates than their cisgender peers. Nearly half of those who reported performing sex work also reported experiencing police misconduct while doing this work.^[23]

In the final months of his term, the Adams administration orchestrated an increase in prostitution-related arrests and prosecutions in Queens. “Prostitution-related arrests have risen nearly fivefold — an increase of 477.8 percent….”^[24] Criminalizing transgender sex workers increases stigma and violence against them. In fact, two NYPD officers were recently accused of forcibly touching and robbing two sex workers in Queens while raiding a brothel. In a statement regarding the allegations, District Attorney Melinda Katz said that the officers’ body-worn cameras were “intentionally turned off so that their misdeeds would not be recorded.” Police Commissioner Jessica Tisch commented as well, noting that police work is based on public trust and “when that trust is broken, as it was in this case, the entire police department must answer for it.”^[25] In addition to the physical danger and stigma caused by criminalization, it also puts sex workers, their clients, massage workers, survivors of trafficking, and those profiled as part of any of these categories at risk of negative immigration consequences, including deportation and family separation.

There is precedent for a shift in approach. As Manhattan District Attorney, Cyrus Vance adopted a policy of no longer prosecuting prostitution and unlicensed massage cases. He explained at the time that “Over the last decade we’ve learned from those with lived experience, and from our own experience on the ground: criminally prosecuting prostitution does not make us safer, and too often, achieves the opposite result by further marginalizing vulnerable New Yorkers.”^[26] We urge the Mamdani Administration to stop the targeted arrest and prosecution of sex workers throughout New York City.

B. Support Passage of the New York City Sex Worker Protection Act

The New York City Sex Worker Protection Act, Intro 0149-2024, addresses economic instability, discrimination, labor exploitation, child welfare overreach, and data privacy. The bill does not decriminalize sex work, which only the state could do. Instead, it reorients City policy toward harm reduction, transparency, and access to services for people who engage in sex work and those profiled as sex workers.[27] This population disproportionately includes LGBTQ+ New Yorkers, particularly transgender and gender-nonconforming people, immigrants, and people of color.

The Act establishes a Sex Worker Opportunity Program within the Mayor’s Office for Equity, authorizing grants to community-based organizations that work directly with current and former sex workers. Funded organizations will have demonstrated experience serving sex workers, navigating the criminal legal system, working with immigrant and other historically marginalized communities, and advancing racial equity. By anchoring the program in the Mayor’s Office for Equity and requiring demonstrated expertise, the bill ensures that City resources are directed to those organizations best positioned to support sex workers while simultaneously providing job training and employment for former and current sex workers.

The bill also amends the New York City Human Rights Law to clarify that people who engage in sex work are protected from discrimination in employment, housing, and public accommodations. This clarification aligns with existing City protections for lawful source of income and employment status and responds to documented patterns of housing and employment discrimination that disproportionately affect LGBTQ+ sex workers, particularly trans women. Often, the most marginalized sex workers enter that work due to economic hardship and difficulty accessing resources. Discrimination only exacerbates this precarity, makes individuals more reliant on sex work, and gives these individuals less bargaining power over their working conditions. Prohibiting discrimination is vital to ensuring these individuals can thrive and reach their potential.

In addition, the Act directs the Department of Consumer and Worker Protection to create a review and enforcement board that works directly with sex workers to identify common unfair work practices in the sex work industry and to provide educational materials regarding workers’ rights and avenues for redress. This provision recognizes sex workers as workers entitled to information and protection from exploitation, while allowing the City to better understand industry-specific labor issues through direct engagement rather than surveillance or enforcement.

The bill further increases transparency and accountability within the child welfare system by requiring the Administration for Children’s Services to publish an annual report on investigations in which a parent or legal guardian’s involvement in sex work was a factor. The required reporting includes demographic data, the number and type of investigations, their outcomes, and referrals to law enforcement. While the Act does not alter ACS’s substantive authority, it creates a mechanism to assess whether involvement in sex work is being used as a proxy for parental unfitness, a concern that has been raised by advocates for LGBTQ+ parents and caregivers who already face heightened scrutiny in family regulation systems.

Finally, the Act strengthens data privacy protections by explicitly including current or former engagement in sex work within the City’s definition of protected identifying information. This limits how City agencies may collect, use, and disclose such information and is particularly significant for LGBTQ+ New Yorkers, who are more likely to experience compounded harms from data sharing, surveillance, and secondary enforcement. By treating sex work status as sensitive information, the bill helps prevent City systems from exacerbating stigma, retaliation, and collateral consequences.

C. Protections from Asset Forfeiture

Civil and criminal asset forfeiture in the context of sex work and massage work inflicts pervasive harm on marginalized communities. The Mamdani administration should support proposed amendments to the Sex Worker Protection Act designed to address these harms, as advanced by community advocates.

Under current practice, law enforcement routinely seizes cash, phones, vehicles, and other personal property from sex workers and massage workers, often at the time of arrest or investigation and frequently without any subsequent conviction. Civil asset forfeiture allows property to be taken based on mere suspicion that it is connected to alleged unlawful activity, placing the burden on the individual to affirmatively prove entitlement to its return. New York’s rules around retrieval are so opaque that many individuals surrender their property to law enforcement simply because they cannot navigate the system. Even criminal asset forfeiture, which is nominally tied to prosecution, often results in prolonged deprivation of essential property through opaque procedures, limited notice, and significant barriers to recovery. For sex workers and massage workers, the loss of cash, communication devices, or transportation can immediately destabilize housing, health care access, and personal safety, compounding vulnerability regardless of the outcome of any underlying case. Moreover, law enforcement can weaponize these legal tools to coerce sex from sex workers, a pervasive issue in New York City.^[28]

Advocates, therefore, are urging amendments that would categorically prohibit civil asset forfeiture against sex workers and massage workers, narrowly limit the circumstances under which criminal asset forfeiture may be pursued, and require heightened procedural protections when property is seized. These proposals would also create a publicly accessible, centralized database that tracks seized property and provides clear, standardized instructions for individuals seeking its return. Such a system would promote transparency, reduce arbitrary deprivation of property, and ensure that people are not permanently separated from their belongings due to a lack of information or legal representation. Supporting these amendments would be consistent with the bill’s broader emphasis on harm reduction, due process, and economic stability, and would prevent the City from using asset forfeiture as a de facto punishment against sex workers and massage workers in the absence of meaningful adjudication.

V. PROVIDE ADEQUATE FUNDING AND RESOURCES FOR LEGAL SERVICES FOR VULNERABLE NEW YORKERS

A. Increase Funding to Legal Services Organizations

Pro bono legal service organizations are experiencing a crisis of underfunding and attrition. In 2022, The Legal Aid Society, New York’s largest provider of free legal services, lost ten percent of its staff – over 200 people.^[29]

The Association of Legal Advocates and Attorneys (ALAA), the union representing staff at many of New York’s legal services organizations, reports that New York City’s public defender salaries rank last out of fourteen major cities when adjusted for the cost of living.^[30] In the summer of 2025, hundreds of lawyers who provide legal services to low-income people went on strike to demand better working conditions.^[31] “We are overworked, we are underpaid, we are overlooked, and still we are committed… The representation of our clients will only improve if public interest workers are paid what they deserve.”^[32]

Lawyers at legal services organizations fight on the front lines for LGBTQ+ New Yorkers who disproportionately face criminalization, discrimination, and government interference in their private lives. Many people in the community need free or low-cost legal representation to defend against injustices like denial of housing and employment, deportation, and police profiling.

Without increased funding for these critical services, talented and dedicated lawyers will continue to leave these organizations in search of better pay and working conditions. This creates instability for clients and mounting caseloads for the lawyers who remain. “Clients suffer from a revolving door of attorneys, weakening attorney-client relationships and legal strategies.”^[33]

We urge the Mamdani administration to allocate increased funds for pro bono legal services. We know this is an issue that Mayor Mamdani spoke about passionately during his campaign and that he attended ALAA union rallies. We strongly encourage Mayor Mamdani to work with the Comptroller to create a city budget that centers low-income LGBTQ+ New Yorkers in need of legal representation. Increased funding for legal services organizations will help fight attrition, attract new legal talent, and fund support staff who are essential in reviewing large amounts of discovery and preparing for trial or hearings. This is crucial to strengthening attorney-client relationships and keeping caseloads manageable for lawyers. Increased funding for pro bono legal organizations ultimately creates a more just court system and helps to ensure that LGBTQ+ New Yorkers who cannot afford an attorney still receive quality legal representation.

B. Increase Staffing for the NYC Commission on Human Rights

The New York City Commission on Human Rights plays a critical role in enforcing one of the most comprehensive civil rights statutes in the nation by investigating complaints, pursuing enforcement actions, conducting public education, and providing remedies to individuals facing discrimination. For LGBTQ+ New Yorkers, the Commission is often the primary forum for addressing bigotry and prejudice.

Yet, despite the breadth of its mandate and the increasing complexity of discrimination claims, the Commission has long operated with limited staffing and resources. Under-resourcing constrains its ability to investigate complaints promptly, pursue systemic enforcement, and provide meaningful relief to individuals who have experienced discrimination in employment, housing, public accommodations, and city services. Delays in investigation and adjudication disproportionately harm marginalized communities, including LGBTQ+ New Yorkers, who disproportionately face economic precarity, housing instability, and workplace vulnerability.

We urge the Mamdani administration to fully resource the Commission on Human Rights so that enforcement of the City’s Human Rights Law is timely, effective, and accessible. This includes increasing staffing for intake, investigation, and litigation; ensuring sufficient resources for community outreach and education; and supporting the Commission’s capacity to pursue affirmative pattern-and-practice enforcement. Adequate funding is essential to ensure that the promise of the Human Rights Law translates into real-world protections.

VI. PROTECT DATA PRIVACY AS AN LGBTQ+ CIVIL RIGHTS IMPERATIVE

For LGBTQ+ people, privacy is not abstract – it is a precondition to safety, dignity, and equal participation in public life. Government data collection and surveillance have long been used to police sexuality, gender identity, HIV status, immigration status, and political expression.^[34] Today, these risks are intensifying as federal agencies expand data aggregation, surveillance technologies, and information sharing in the absence of comprehensive privacy protections.

In recent years, federal actors have increasingly relied on administrative data, third-party vendors, and opaque technologies to monitor and regulate individuals in ways that threaten bodily autonomy, expressive freedom, and access to care. New York City collects vast amounts of sensitive data through policing, public benefits programs, housing, education, health services, and contracted service providers. Without robust safeguards, this information can be weaponized, whether through data sharing with federal agencies, improper access by City employees, or mission creep that repurposes data for enforcement rather than service delivery.  In this climate, New York City must serve as a bulwark against federal and private exploitation of data.

We urge the Mamdani administration to adopt a rights-forward approach to data governance that explicitly recognizes privacy as an LGBTQ+ civil rights issue. This should include strong limits on the collection, retention, and sharing of sensitive personal data; heightened protections for information related to gender identity, sexual orientation, reproductive and sexual health, and immigration status; and clear prohibitions and protections for City-held data. Moreover, the administration should strengthen transparency and accountability around data practices that disproportionately affect LGBTQ+ communities. This includes public reporting on agency data use, surveillance technologies, algorithmic decision-making, and information-sharing agreements with both federal entities and private vendors. Moreover, the administration should work to empower independent oversight bodies to review privacy and civil rights risks before new technologies or databases are deployed, with particular attention to disparate impacts on marginalized communities, including queer and transgender New Yorkers.

Furthermore, as federal constitutional privacy protections are increasingly eroded, New York has a unique responsibility to enshrine a robust, affirmative right to privacy in its own Constitution. We urge the Mamdani administration to vocally support passage of the proposed New York State constitutional privacy amendment, S.8603 (Ramos) / A.9377 (Shimsky).[35] The proposed amendment would provide broader and more durable protections than those currently recognized at the federal level, aligning New York with states such as Washington and Montana that expressly protect individual privacy against government intrusion. For LGBTQ+ New Yorkers, a state constitutional right to privacy would serve as a critical safeguard against surveillance, forced disclosure, and the misuse of sensitive personal data related to gender identity, sexual orientation, reproductive and sexual health, and family life. Public support from the City’s chief executive would send a powerful signal that New York City stands firmly behind a privacy framework that protects bodily autonomy, personal dignity, and civil rights, particularly as these values face mounting threats at the national level.

VII. CONCLUSION

We strongly encourage the Mayor’s Office to continually uphold policies that protect and affirm LGBTQ+ residents, and to deliver on the campaign promises made by Mayor Mamdani to the LGBTQ+ community. The Committees would welcome the opportunity to speak with a member of your staff, should that be helpful.

Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Transgender, and Queer Rights Committee
Hayley Gorenberg, Co-Chair
Jared M. Trujillo, Co-Chair

Civil Rights Committee
Evan Henley, Co-Chair
Molly Thomas-Jensen, Co-Chair

Pro Bono and Legal Services Committee
Hamra Ahmad, Co-Chair
Dara L. Sheinfeld, Co-Chair

April 2026